11th WTO Ministerial – Letter from Global Civil Society about the Agenda of the WTO

[Delivery date: 9 October, 2017]

Below this whole letter, you are going to find links with pdfs about this letter, in French, Español, and Greek. Here you have the English version:

11th WTO Ministerial – Letter from Global Civil Society about the Agenda of the WTO

Dear Members of the World Trade Organization (WTO),

We are writing as 300[i] member organizations of global civil society from more than 150 countries, representing tens of millions of people from around the world, regarding the ongoing negotiations on the WTO towards the 11th Ministerial meeting (MC11) in Buenos Aires, December 10-13, 2017.

We are increasingly concerned about press reports indicating that some WTO members are pushing a dangerous and inappropriate new agenda under the disguising rubric of “e-commerce,” even though there was no consensus to introduce this new issue during or since the Nairobi Ministerial. In addition, we are deeply disturbed by reports that the urgent need to change existing WTO rules which are constraining governments’ policy space for job creation and development, including achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), is becoming further blocked in the lead-up to the 11th Ministerial.

Citizens around the world have given clear messages to governments that the current rules of the global economy, including global trade rules, have exacerbated inequality and left far too many impoverished. Thus, we urge WTO members to reflect on this dynamic and to take decisions that will allow the global trading system to contribute to, rather than constrain, shared prosperity and development.

Below we outline our concerns regarding the following issues that are being, or should be, discussed in WTO:

  • Proposals regarding e-commerce and their impact on national laws and regulations;
  • Proposals to limit the scope and effects of public interest regulation;
  • Fish subsidy disciplines that discourage overfishing by rich countries but still allow poor countries to grow;
  • The time has come to fix bad existing WTO rules, not to expand them;
  • Agricultural rules must prioritize food security and food sovereignty;
  • There is a need for more flexibility for development policies.


Wrong Agenda: E-commerce

A number of new e-commerce proposals have been made at the WTO in the last year. Proponents often disguise their proposals under the rubric of e-commerce as being necessary to unleash development through the power of small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). But SMEs are the least likely to be able to compete with giant transnational corporations, which enjoy the benefits of scale, historic subsidies, technological advances, strong state-sponsored infrastructure, tax avoidance strategies, and a system of trade rules written for them and by their lawyers.

Key provisions of the proposals include prohibiting requirements to hold data locally; to have a local presence in the country; no border taxes on digital products; prohibitions on regulating cross-border data transfers; and even prohibitions on requiring open source software in government procurement contracts. There is no economic rationale as to why digitally traded goods should not have to contribute to the national tax base, while traditionally traded goods usually do. Data is now the most valuable resource; furthermore, privacy and data protection are fundamental human rights and they cannot be abandoned in the interests of trade. Locking in rules in the WTO to allow corporations to transfer data around the world without restrictions would forever deny the right of countries and citizens to benefit from their own data and intelligence in the future, and it would restrict the ability of countries to implement appropriate data privacy and consumer protection measures. What e-commerce proposal proponents call “localization barriers” are actually the tools that countries use to ensure that they can benefit from the presence of transnational corporations to advance their own development and the economic, social, and political rights of their citizens.

We need trade rules that allow for the creation of decent jobs, including in the technology sector. But the hallmarks of companies like Amazon, Facebook, Google, and Uber include dislocation of local businesses and labor markets, and increasing precariousness of work. These would accelerate if e-commerce proposals were accepted in the WTO. Existing technology giants would be able to further consolidate their monopoly power. Their infamous tax optimization (which is tantamount to evasion), including base erosion and profit shifting, would be facilitated by a binding international treaty, and it would be nearly impossible to rein in the political instability engendered by the economic and financial consequences of such a scenario.

WTO members do not currently have a mandate to negotiate new global rules on “e-commerce,” and they should not obtain one in Buenos Aires. All of the issues proposed for the e-commerce agenda have either already been discussed and resolved, or are currently being discussed, in other forums, most of which are more responsive and accountable to public interest concerns than the WTO. E-commerce is already flourishing and SMEs can already sell their products online without new WTO rules. Of course, e-commerce can be a force for job creation and development, and certainly has the power to expand innovation, increase consumer choice, and connect remote producers and consumers. But supporting e-commerce is not the same as having binding global rules that would primarily benefit U.S.-based high-tech corporations, at the expense of public interest regulation to protect consumers and promote development. While we support efforts by developing countries to address the digital divide, transfer technology, and obtain financing for infrastructure and information and communications technologies (ICTs), the WTO is not the proper forum to negotiate these issues; similar to the way other development issues have been treated in the WTO, they will not become binding obligations, while the agenda of the high-tech corporations will be binding. There should absolutely be no new mandate on e-commerce in MC11.

Threats to Public Interest Regulation

The SDGs recently agreed by all WTO members include a focus on expanding access to and quality of many public services, as well as key services often operated by the private sector such as financial services and telecommunications. Unfortunately, much like the e-commerce agenda, a similar corporate agenda is behind the effort to have new rules limiting domestic regulation of services. The proposed rules on Domestic Regulation in the services negotiations in the WTO seek to ensure that three kinds of regulation – qualification requirements and procedures, licensing requirements and procedures, and technical standards – meet vague and open-ended standards that would severely undermine the regulatory sovereignty of countries.

These are open-ended terms designed to minimize regulation and maximize the lobbying power of transnational corporations over sovereign governments. Giving the WTO jurisdiction to adjudicate whether a regulation was “reasonable,” “objective,” “transparent,” and “not more burdensome than necessary to ensure the quality of the service,” and further that a technical standard was developed in an “open and transparent process” would put the interests of foreign services providers above governments’ obligation to ensure that services are operated in the public interest. It is not the WTO that should decide whether the administration of labor, tax, environmental or safety laws affecting foreign services firms is “reasonable.” The WTO should not be given authority to decide if the local zoning commission’s agreement with local objections to place a big box store near a historic site is “objective.” If a state decides to accept an environmental review’s recommendation to ban fracking as a method of mining gas, a WTO panel should not have the jurisdiction to decide if that is “too burdensome.” Local governments – not trade panels – should have the ultimate authority to decide community issues that are inherently subjective because they involve important judgment calls. And foreign companies should not have “rights” to comment or input on measures proposed by local or national authorities before they are decided domestically.

Members did agree years ago to develop any necessary disciplines on these measures – but there has never been an agreement whether such rules are “necessary,” which they obviously are not. Thus, no disciplines should be agreed on domestic regulation in Buenos Aires.

Fishing: Subsidizing the Poor or the Rich?

The other big ‘deliverable’ being pushed for Buenos Aires is a way to tackle the problem of overfishing by negotiating limits to the subsidies that governments provide to fisheries. There is a clear mandate for a pro-development and pro-environment outcome; but this cannot be lost due to the insistence of existing industrial fishing nations on rules that undermine the future developmental aspirations of developing countries. Despite the use of subsidies to build their industrial fishing capacity, those very same nations are attempting to prevent other developing countries from also building their domestic capacity, undermining development and doing little to prevent illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing as well as over-fishing. For many developing countries, fisheries are at the heart of their economic and developmental aspirations. Protecting the policy space of developing countries and the ability to support small-scale and artisanal fishers must be at the heart of any outcome, along with effective, binding prohibitions on subsidies. The developmental and economic policy space of developing countries must be maintained whilst those nations that have contributed most to the problem of IUU and overfishing must agree to eliminate harmful subsidies. The management of fisheries resources must be maintained outside of the WTO. 

What Should Be on the Agenda: Fixing Bad Existing Rules Not Expanding Them

Both e-commerce rules and domestic regulation disciplines would amount to an expansion of the WTO. But the vast majority of WTO members have argued that existing unfair and damaging rules must be fixed before the WTO can be expanded. This fight was at the heart of the last Ministerial in Nairobi, which concluded with ambiguous language acknowledging that some countries wanted to bring in other issues, while others (the overwhelming majority) want to continue with the unfinished development agenda that had been the reason they had agreed to the Doha Round.

Unfortunately, some WTO members are obstinately refusing to move forward on what should be the core agenda: to fix the unjust rules that hinder global efforts to ensure true food security, sustainable development, access to affordable healthcare and medicines, and global financial stability, outlined in the Turnaround Statement of the global Our World Is Not for Sale (OWINFS) network, endorsed by hundreds of civil society groups from around the world.  At a minimum, in Buenos Aires, WTO members should focus on transforming the global agriculture rules that restrict developing countries from ensuring food security for their populations (while allowing big agribusiness nearly limitless public subsidies) and increasing flexibilities for developing countries to be able use trade for their own development.

Agricultural Rules Must Prioritize Food Security and Food Sovereignty

The top priority for a genuine development agenda would be transforming the current rules on agriculture. Unbelievably, it is the rich countries, not the poor, which are currently allowed to subsidize agriculture under WTO rules – even in ways that distort trade and harm other countries’ domestic producers. The tens of billions of dollars of subsidies allowed in developed countries per annum encourage overproduction and artificially depress world prices, wiping out farmers’ livelihoods in countries that should be benefitting from global agricultural trade or production for domestic consumption. Thus, a major outcome in Buenos Aires should be to reduce the amount of subsidies under the “domestic support” negotiations – including subsidies in the so-called “Green Box” category of subsidies when these actually have trade-distorting impacts.

Given the existing subsidies, developing countries should also be able to increase tariffs to protect domestic production when faced with import surges. Unfortunately, some countries are opposing negotiations towards a workable “Special Safeguard Mechanism (SSM)” for developing countries. An outcome on SSM – unconditioned on further tariff cuts – at the upcoming Ministerial would greatly enhance developing countries’ ability to achieve food security, promote rural development and safeguard farmers’ livelihoods – and would be a step towards removing WTO constraints on Food Sovereignty.

By contrast, most developing countries are only allowed miniscule subsidies. But the SDGs entreat countries to increase investment in sustainable agriculture. Also, there is growing acceptance of the “right to food” as a human right. One of the international best practices for supporting farmers’ livelihoods, ensuring food security, and promoting rural development is “public stockholding,” in which governments guarantee farmers a minimum price for their production, and distribute that food to hungry people within their own borders. But these programs, implemented in dozens developing countries, often run afoul of WTO rules – even though the agriculture supported is not traded in global markets.

The majority of WTO members have agreed that domestic public stockholding programs should not be constrained by antiquated WTO rules. But the changes have been steadfastly blocked by the United States, the EU, Australia and other big agribusiness exporters. And now reality is being turned on its head as China and India are being accused of being the biggest subsidizers, when their payments per farmer on a per capita basis remain miniscule – only a few hundred dollars per farmer, as compared to tens of thousands for the United States.

WTO members agreed to find a permanent solution to the public stockholding programs by December of this year. Unfortunately the positions of countries representing big agribusiness exporters have remained entrenched. In Buenos Aires WTO members must deliver a positive resolution on the public stockholding issue that allows all developing countries to implement food security programs without onerous restrictions that are not even demanded of developed countries’ trade distorting subsidies.

More Flexibility for Development Policies

Along with transforming the global rules governing agricultural trade, developing countries have long advocated for other changes to the existing WTO to increase flexibility for them to enable them to enact policies that would promote their own development.

The group of 90 developing countries has made concrete proposals for changes to existing WTO rules that would remove some WTO constraints on national pro-development policies. Many of them are updated versions of the “Implementation Agenda” that have formed the basis of developing country critiques of the existing WTO since the time of its foundation. These include, for example, changes to allow developing countries to promote domestic manufacturing capabilities, stimulate the transfer of technology, promote access to affordable medicines, and safeguard regional integration. Many of these proposals parallel the civil society demands encompassed in the OWINFS Turnaround Statement. The G90 proposals should be accepted in the Buenos Aires Ministerial as proposed – without being conditioned on further market access concessions from developing countries.

Even in an area that all WTO members should be able to agree on – ensuring benefits for Least Developed Countries (LDCs) – there is no consensus yet. Although it was a priority mandate, the small LDC package agreed in the WTO Ministerial in Bali in 2013 is not yet operationalized. This includes ensuring 100 percent Duty Free, Quota Free market access for LDCs’ exports; simplification of the Rules of Origin that define how much of the value of a product has to be produced in the country to qualify for reduced-tariff benefits; and providing actual binding commitments for the LDC services waiver (which allows developed countries to provide market access in services for LDCs without offering reciprocal access to other countries – a “flexibility” which has proven almost impossible to utilize). It also includes mandated reductions in the subsidies that the US and the EU provide to cotton producers – which enrich a few thousand there, but that have unfairly decimated production of hundreds of thousands of cotton farmers in Africa. This modest LDC package must be strengthened and made operational by the time of MC11.

Much is at stake this December in Buenos Aires. We believe in a democratic, transparent, and sustainable multilateral trading system, and do not want to see the WTO depart even further from that ideal. The secretive and anti-democratic practice of negotiating behind closed doors with only certain powerful members, and then bringing massive pressure to bear on developing countries to accept another bad deal, which has characterized the WTO since its inception but has become even more pronounced in the last two Ministerials, must be abandoned in favor of a transparent and member-driven process that leads to outcomes that are consistent with the multilaterally-agreed Sustainable Development Goals.

Will members agree to a harmful new mandate on e-commerce and new rules limiting the democratic oversight over services regulations? And new rules on fishing subsidies which end up harming poor fisherfolk? Or will members act in the interest of their citizens and change course at the WTO, removing WTO constraints over domestic policies that promote food security and development, and supporting LDCs in their efforts to increase their share of global trade?

We urge you to make the right decision for a positive outcome at the upcoming MC11 in Buenos Aires.


Endorsers as of October 8, 2017:

International and Regional Networks 

     1. ACP Civil Society Forum The Forum is a coalition of 80 not-for-profit organisations working on issues relating to ACP-EU development cooperation. It seeks to cater for the diverse range civil society development issues within the wide geographic coverage of the ACP group.
     2. Africa Network for Environment and Economic Justice (ANEEJ) ANEEJ is a non-government organization whose goal is to amplify the voice of the weak, the less privileged and the marginalized groups in the society including women, youths, and People Living With Disabilities in order to increase their participation in the democratic decision-making process.
     3. African Women Economic Policy Network (AWEPON) AWEPON is a women’s Pan African organization with memberships in 22 African countries with an ultimate goal of influencing policies that are harmful to women and the poor population at large.
     4. Arab NGO Network for Development (ANND) ANND is a regional network, working in 12 Arab countries with seven national networks (with an extended membership of 200 CSOs from different backgrounds) and 23 NGO members.
     5. Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development (APWLD) APWLD is a network of 218 women’s rights organisations and movements in 26 countries across the Asia Pacific region working toward the achievement of women’s human rights and Development Justice.
     6. Association of Women’s Rights in Development (AWID) AWID is a global feminist organization with membership in 164 countries.
     7. Confederación Latinoamericana y del Caribe de Trabajadores Estatales (CLATE) CLATE es una organización sindical internacional que reúne a sindicatos de trabajadores del sector público de 17 países de América Latina y el Caribe. Fue fundada en 1967 y está integrada por más de 26 organizaciones sindicales de la región.
     8. Coordinadora de Centrales Sindicales del Cono Sur (CCSCS) La Coordinadora de Centrales Sindicales del Cono Sur nuclea a 20 centrales de Argentina, Brasil, Chile, Bolivia, Paraguay y Uruguay.
     9. Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era (DAWN) DAWN is a network of feminist scholars, researchers and activists from the economic South working for economic and gender justice and sustainable and democratic development.
    10. Ecowas Network on Debt and Development (ECONDAD) ECONDAD is a network of civil society organizations working on debt and economic justice from ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African States).
    11. Education International (EI) Education International is a global union federation of teachers’ trade unions consisting of 401 member organisations in 172 countries and territories that represents over 30 million education personnel from pre-school through university.
    12. European Federation of Public Service Unions (EPSU) EPSU is the largest federation of the ETUC and is the regional organization of Public Services International (PSI). It comprises 8 million public service workers from over 265 trade unions, including in the energy, water and waste sectors, health and social services and local and national administration, in all European countries including in the EU’s Eastern Neighborhood.
    13. Fair Trade Advocacy Office The Fair Trade Advocacy Office is a joint advocacy initiative of the two main global Fair Trade networks: Fairtrade International and the World Fair Trade Organisation. FOEI is the world’s largest grassroots environmental network, uniting 75 national member groups and some 5,000 local activist groups on every continent counting over 2 million members and supporters around the world.
    14. Friends of the Earth International (FOEI) FOEI is the world’s largest grassroots environmental network, uniting 75 national member groups and some 5,000 local activist groups on every continent with over 2 million members around the world.
    15. Internacional de Servicios Publicos (ISP) Interamericas En América del Norte, Central y del Sur, y el Caribe la ISP cuenta con 140 organizaciones sindicales afiliadas en 35 países, que representan a un total de 3,3 millones de trabajadores afiliados.
    16. International Federation of Musicians (FIM) The FIM, founded in 1948, is the international organisation for musicians’ unions and equivalent representative organisations, including 70 members in 60 countries throughout the world.
    17. International Grail Justice in Trade Agreement Network A coalition of groups working for peace and justice in 20 countries worldwide.
    18. International Union of Food, Agricultural, Hotel, Restaurant, Catering, Tobacco and Allied Workers’ Associations (IUF) The IUF is currently composed of 385 trade unions in 123 countries representing a combined representational membership of over 12 million workers (including a financial membership of 2.6 million).
    19. Just Net Coalition The Just Net Coalition is a global network of civil society actors committed to an open, free, just and equitable Internet.
    20. LDC Watch LDC Watch is a global alliance of national, regional and international civil society organisations (CSOs), networks and movements based in the Least Developed Countries (LDCs).
    21. Mesa de Coordinación Latinoamericana de Comercio A network of fair trade groups from Latin America and the Caribbean.
    22. Pacific Network on Globalization (PANG) The Pacific Network on Globalisation is a regional network focused on promoting economic self-determination and justice in the Pacific Islands.
    23. Pan African NGO Consortium on Agriculture A network of organizations from throughout Africa working on issues of agriculture and development.
    24. PRESSENZA International News Agency PRESSENZA es una Agencia Internacional de Noticias de Paz y Noviolencia.
    25. Public Services International (PSI) Public Services International (PSI) is a global trade union federation dedicated to promoting quality public services in every part of the world. PSI brings together more than 20 million workers, represented by 650 unions in 150 countries and territories.
    26. Red de Género y Comercio – Capítulo Latino-americano Fue crada em 1999 como parte de la red Internacional de Genero y Comercio IGTN e ha continuado acompanhando los temas comerciales y sus impactos de género, en los TLCs, TBIs y en el ambito multilateral de la OMC.
    27. Red Intercontinental de Economia Social y Solidaria de Latinoamerica RIPESS-LAC RIPESS-LAC is a network of CSOs in Latin America working on economic justice and alternatives to neoliberalism.
    28. Society for International Development (SID) SID is an international network of individuals and organizations founded in 1957 to promote participative, pluralistic and sustainable development.
    29. Southern Africa Development Community Council of Non Governmental Organisations (SADC-CNGO) SADC-CNGO is a regional umbrella body of NGOs operating in all the 15 Member States of the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC). SADC-CNGO was formed in 1998 with the aim of facilitating effective and meaningful engagement between civil society in the region and SADC institutions at national, regional, continental and global levels.
    30. Southern Africa Trade Union Coordination Council (SATUCC) SATUCC brings together 21 national trade union federation in the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) with a combined membership of 6 million working women and men.
    31. Third World Network (TWN) TWN is an independent non-profit international network of organisations and individuals involved in issues relating to development, developing countries and North-South affairs.
    32. Third World Network – Africa TWN-Africa is the autonomous African section of the Third World Network, an independent coalition of organisations and individuals engaged in advocacy on issues related to development, environment, and North-South affairs.
    33. UNI Americas UNI Americas represents 4 million workers in the Americas and the Caribbean. We are part of the 20-million strong UNI Global Union family which has affiliated 900 unions in 140 countries globally.
    34. Unión Latina de Economía Política de la Información, la Comunicación y la Cultura (ULEPICC) ULEPICC es una asociación científica internacional de pensamiento crítico lo cual, desde 2002, aborda las transformaciones de las industrias culturales y las formas de poder, acceso y control de la información, la cultura y el conocimiento.
    35. West African Institute for Trade and Development An institute of scholars from West African countries that advocate on trade and development issues.
    36. Women in Development Europe (WIDE+) WIDE+ is the network that follows up the previous WIDE network (a member of Seattle to Brussels, S2B), composed of feminists, NGO’s, and researchers who advocate for a socially just economy.

National Organizations

    37. Trade Union of Building, Wood and Public Service of Albania (FSNDSHPSH) Albania
    38. Anguilla Civil Service Association Anguilla
    39. Antigua & Barbuda Public Service Association (ABPSA) Antigua & Barbuda
    40. Antigua & Barbuda Trade Union Congress (ABTUC) Antigua & Barbuda
    41. Antigua & Barbuda Workers’ Union Antigua & Barbuda
    42. Amigos de la Tierra Argentina Argentina
    43. Confederación General del Trabajo de la República Argentina (CGT) Argentina
    44. Confederación de Trabajadores Municipales (CTM) Argentina
    45. Federación Argentina de Empleados de Comercio y Servicios (FAECYS) Argentina
    46. Foro Ciudadano de Participación por la Justicia y los Derechos Humanos (FOCO) Argentina
    47. Fundación Vía Libre Argentina
    48. Instituto Justiça Fiscal Argentina
    49. Unión del Personal Civil de la Nación (UPCN) Argentina
    50. World Labour Institute Julio Godio – UNTREF Argentina
    51. Australian Fair Trade and Investment Network Australia
    52. New South Wales Nurses and Midwives Association Australia
    53. Information Group on Latin America (IGLA) Austria
    54. Bahrain Transparency Society Bahrain
    55. Bangladesh Krishok Federation Bangladesh
    56. Bangladesh Women Welfare Workers Union (BWWWU) Bangladesh
    57. COAST Trust Bangladesh
    58. Gonoshasthaya Kendra Bangladesh
    59. Sramik Karmachari Union PGCBSKU, Dhaka Bangladesh
    60. VOICE Bangladesh
    61. The National Union of Public Workers Barbados
    62. 11.11.11 Belgium
    63. Centrale Générale des Services Publics (CGSP) Belgium
    64. CNCD-11.11.11 (Centre national de coopération au développement) Belgium
    65. Confédération des Syndicats Chrétiens, the Confederation of Christian Trade Unions (ACV-CSC) Belgium
    66. National Alliance of Christian Mutual Health Funds (ANMC-LCM) / Alliance Nationale des Mutualités Chrétiennes (ANMC) Belgium
    67. Public Service Union of Belize Belize
    68. Bermuda Public Services Union Bermuda
    69. Fundación REDES de Bolivia Bolivia
    70. Plataforma Boliviana frente al Cambio Climático Bolivia
    71. A Casa 8 de Março – Organização feminista do Tocantins Brazil
    72. Articulação de Mulheres Brasileiras (AMB) Brazil
    73. CONTAG Brazil
    74. Federação dos Trabalhadores Municipais de Santa Catarina (FETRAM-SC/CUT) Brazil
    75. Federação Nacional dos Servidores do Judiciário nos Estados (FENAJUD) Brazil
    76. GAPARS – Grupo de Apoio A Prevenção da AIDS do RS Brazil
    77. Gestos (HIV and AIDS, Communication, Gender) Brazil
    78. INESC Brazil
    79. Instituto EQUIT – Genero, Economia e Cidadania Global Brazil
    80. Jubileo Sul – Brasil Brazil
    81. Rede Brasileira Pela Integração dos Povos (REBRIP) Brazil
    82. Rede Social de Justiça e Direitos Humanos Brazil
    83. Sindicato dos Enfermeiros no Estado de Pernambuco (SEEPE) Brazil
    84. Sindicato dos Trabalhadores Públicos da Saúde no Estado de São Paulo (SINDSAUPE/SP) Brazil
    85. SOS Corpo – Instituto Feminista para a Democracia Brazil
    86. União Geral dos Trabalhadores (UGT) Brazil
    87. Cambodian Food and Service Workers’ Federation (CFSWF) Cambodia
    88. Social Action for Change Cambodia
    89. Africa Development Interchange Network (ADIN) Cameroon
    90. Réseau National de l’Économie Sociale et Solidaire du Cameroun (RESSCAM) Cameroon
    91. Council of Canadians Canada
    92. National Union of Public and General Employees (NUPGE) Canada
    93. Public Service Alliance of Canada (PSAC) Canada
    94. Syndicat de la fonction publique et parapublique du Québec (SFPQ) Canada
    95. Syndicat de professionnelles et professionnels du gouvernement du Québec Canada
    96. AFRICANDO Canary Islands
    97. Confederación Nacional de Funcionarios de Salud Municipal (CONFUSAM-Chile) Chile
    98. Corporacion Innovarte Chile
    99. Federación Nacional de Trabajadores de Obras Sanitarias (FENATRAOS-Chile) Chile
  100. Políticas Farmacéuticas CEPFAR Chile
  101. Federación Nacional de Profesionales Universitarios de los Servicios de Salud (FENPRUSS) Chile
  102. Asociacion Ambiente y Sociedad Colombia
  103. Camara Colombiana de la Economia Social y Solidaria (CCESS) Colombia
  104. Comité Ambiental en Defensa de la Vida Colombia
  105. Federación de Vocales de Control de los Servicios Públicos de la Región Centro y Bogotá Colombia
  106. Federación Nacional de Entidades Acreditadas para Impartir Educacion Solidaria (FENALSE) Colombia
  107. Fundación Colombia Digna (FUNCOLDIG) Colombia
  108. Red Educacion Popular Entre Mujeres (REPEM) Colombia
  109. SINTRACUAVALLE Colombia
  110. Asociación Nacional de Educadores de Costa Rica (ANDE) Costa Rica
  111. Friends of the Earth/Amigos de la Tierra Costa Rica (COECOCEIBA) Costa Rica
  112. Sindicato de Empleados del Ministerio de Hacienda (SINDHAC) Costa Rica
  113. Confederacion Nacional de Unidad Sindical (CNUS) Dominican Republic
  114. La Fundación Étnica Integral (La FEI) Dominican Republic
  115. Sindicato Nacional de Enfermería (SINATRAE) Dominican Republic
  116. Asociación Latinoamericana de Educación y Comunicación Popular (ALER) Ecuador
  117. Colectivo El Punto Ecuador
  118. Comité de Empresa de los Trabajadores de ETAPA EP Ecuador
  119. El Centro de Documentación en Derechos Humanos “Segundo Montes Mozo S.J.” (CSMM) Ecuador
  120. Movimiento de Economía Social y Solidaria del Ecuador (MESSE) Ecuador
  121. Ojo al Dato Ecuador
  122. Sindicato de Trabajadores del Instituto Salvadoreño del Seguro Social (STISSS) El Salvador
  123. Grenada Public Workers Union Grenada
  124. Fairtrade Finland Finland
  125. Finnish NGDO Platform to the EU Kehys Finland
  126. Kepa (a former Service Centre for Development Cooperation) Finland
  127. Pro Ethical Trade Finland Finland
  128. SOL France
  129. Worldview-The Gambia Gambia
  130. Brot für die Welt/Bread for the World, Germany Germany
  131. Ecumenical Service on Southern Africa (KASA) Germany
  132. Forschungs- und Dokumentationszentrum Chile-Lateinamerika e.V. (FDCL) Germany
  133. Advocates & Trainers for Children & Women’s Advancement & Rights (ATCWAR) Ghana
  134. Friends of Forest Reserves and Verging Groves Ghana
  135. Consumer Association the Quality of Life (EKPIZO) Greece
  136. Naturefriends Greece
  137. STOP TTIP CETA TiSA – Greece Greece
  138. Confédération des Travailleurs des Secteurs Public et Privé (CTSP) Haiti
  139. Friends of the Earth/Amigos de la Tierra Haiti/Suirve Haiti
  140. Plateforme haïtienne de Plaidoyer pour un Développement Alternatif (PAPDA) Haiti
  141. Platfom Rezistans Peyizan Latibonit (PREPLA) Haiti
  142. Asociación Madre Tierra Honduras
  143. Alliance for Sustainable & Holistic Agriculture (ASHA) India
  144. Anti-FTA Committee India
  145. Centre for Research and Advocacy, Manipur India
  146. Diverse Women for Diversity India
  147. Forum Against FTAs India
  148. Gene Campaign India
  149. Hazards Centre India
  150. Indian Social Action Forum (INSAF) India
  151. Initiative for Health & Equity in Society India
  152. IT for Change India
  153. Kheti Virasat Mission India
  154. KIRDTI, Odisha India
  155. Madhyam India
  156. Nagpur Municipal Corporation Employees Union India
  157. National Organisation of Government Employees India
  158. New Trade Union Initiative (NTUI) India
  159. Sunray Harvesters India
  160. Tamil Nadu Federation of Women Farmers’ Rights (TNFWFR) India
  161. Tamil Nadu Women’s Forum (TNWF) India
  162. Friends of the Earth Indonesia/WALHI Indonesia
  163. Indonesia for Global Justice Indonesia
  164. LIPS (Sedane Labor Resource Center) Indonesia
  165. Trocaire Ireland Ireland
  166. Fairwatch Italy
  167. Jamaica Civil Service Association Jamaica
  168. Phenix Center for Economic Studies Jordan
  169. Building Eastern Africa Community Network (BEACON) Kenya
  170. Growth Partners Africa Kenya
  171. Kenya Food Rights Alliance (KeFRA) Kenya
  172. Kenya Network of Grassroots Organisations (K.E.N.G.O) Kenya
  173. Kenya Small Scale Farmer’s Forum Kenya
  174. Lebanon Support Lebanon
  175. National Federation of Workers and Employees trade unions (FENASOL) Lebanon
  176. NGOs platform of Saida Lebanon
  177. Consumers Protection Association (CPA) Lesotho
  178. Development for Peace Education (DPE) Lesotho
  179. Policy Analysis and Research Institute of Lesotho (PARIL) Lesotho
  180. Women and Youth Empowerment Forum (WYEF) Libya
  181. Plate-Forme Nationale des Organisations de la Société Civile de Madagascar (PFNOSCM) Madagascar
  182. Malawi Economic Justice Network (MEJN) Malawi
  183. Consumers Association of Penang Malaysia
  184. Friends of the Earth Malaysia/SAM Malaysia
  185. Fédération des Syndicats du Secteur Public Mali
  186. Reseau National d’Appui a la Prommotion de L’economie Sociale et Solidaire du Mali (RENAPESS MALI) Mali
  187. Association Action pour le Traitement des malades du Cœur (ACTC) Mauritania
  188. Mauritanian Network for Social Action /

Réseau Mauritanien Pour L’Action Sociale

  189. Center for Alternative Research and Studies (CARES) Mauritius
  190. Confederation of Free Trade Unions Mauritius
  191. Federation of Democratic Labour Unions Mauritius
  192. General Workers Federation Mauritius
  193. Government Services Employees Association Mauritius
  194. Local Authorities Employees Union Mauritius
  195. Mauritius Trade Union Congress (MTUC) Mauritius
  196. Migration and Sustainable Development Alliance Mauritius
  197. Resistance & Alternative Mauritius
  198. State and Other Employees Federation Mauritius
  199. Asociación Nacional de Industriales de Transformación (ANIT) Mexico
  200. Bia´lii, Asesoría e Investigación, A.C. Mexico
  201. Centro de Promoción y Educación Profesional “Vasco de Quiorga” Mexico
  202. Fundacion Mexicana para la Planeacion Familiar, AC (MEXFAM) Mexico
  203. Grupo Tacuba Mexico
  204. Otros Mundos Chiapas Mexico
  205. Procesos Integrales para la Autogestión de los Pueblos Mexico
  206. Red Mexicana de Acción frente al Libre Comercio (RMALC) Mexico
  207. Sindicato Único de Trabajadores del Gobierno de la Ciudad de México Mexico
  208. Unión Popular Valle Gómez, A.C. Mexico
  209. All Nepal Peasants’ Federation Nepal
  210. Greater Active Reconstruction & Justice Action Network-Nepal (GARJAN-Nepal) Nepal
  211. Health Professional Association of Nepal (HEPON) Nepal
  212. Nepal Civil Services Employees Union Association (NECSEUA) Nepal
  213. Nepal Film Workers Union (NFWU) Nepal
  214. Union of Public Services in Nepal (UPSIN) Nepal
  215. Both ENDS Netherlands
  216. It’s Our Future NZ New Zealand
  217. New Zealand Council of Trade Unions Te Kauae Kaimahi New Zealand
  218. New Zealand Public Service Association New Zealand
  219. Central de Trabajadores de la Salud (Fetsalud Granada) Nicaragua
  220. Centro de los Derechos del Campesino (CEDECAM) Nicaragua
  221. Red de Organizaciones Sociales de Managua Nicaragua
  222. Reseau des Organisations de Developpement et Associations de Defense de Droits de L’Homme et de la Democratie (RODADDHD) Niger
  223. Centre for Human Rights and Climate Change Research Nigeria
  224. Labour, Health and Human Rights Development Centre Nigeria
  225. National Association of Nigerian Traders (NANTS) Nigeria
  226. Folkeaksjonen mot TISA Norway
  227. All Pakistan Labour Federation (APLF) Pakistan
  228. Civil Society Support Program (CSSP) Pakistan
  229. NOOR Pakistan Pakistan
  230. Sustainable Development Vision (SDV) Pakistan
  231. Social and Economic Policies Monitor (Al Marsad) Palestine
  232. Catedratico Universitario Panama
  233. Colectivo Voces Ecológicas (COVEC) Panama
  234. Friends of the Earth/Papua New Guinea Papua New Guinea
  235. TEDIC Paraguay
  236. Confederación General de Trabajadores del Perú (CGTP) Peru
  237. Federación Nacional de Trabajadores de Agua Potable y Alcantarillado del Perú (FENTAP) Peru
  238. Grupo Red de Economia Solidaria del Peru (GRESP) Peru
  239. Instituto para el Desarrollo y la Paz Amazónica Peru
  240. Red Peruana de Comercio Justo y Consumo Ético Peru
  241. Red Uniendo Manos Peru
  242. Alliance of Filipino Workers Philippines
  243. Initiatives for Dialogue and Empowerment through Alternative Legal Services (IDEALS) Philippines
  244. Philippine Alliance of Human Rights Advocates (PAHRA) Philippines
  245. Public Services Labor Independent Confederation (PSLINK) Philippines
  246. Fundacja Strefa Zieleni Poland
  247. Associação Sindical dos Profissionais da Inspeção Tributária e Aduaneira (APIT) Portugal
  248. Ole Siosiomaga Society Incorporated (OLSSI) Samoa
  249. Coalition Nationale Non aux APE Senegal
  250. Front Anti APE Anti CFA Senegal
  251. Pan Africain Association for Literacy and Adult Education (PAALAE) Senegal
  252. Personnels Civils des Armées des Services de Sécurité Publics Privés et Assimilés Senegal
  253. International-Lawyers.Org Sierra Leone
  254. Institute for Economic Research on Innovation South Africa
  255. National Public Service Workers Union South Africa
  256. Community Empowerment for Progress Organization (CEPO) South Sudan
  257. Amigos de la Tierra España Spain
  258. WDGpa – World Democratic Governance project association, Catalunya Spain
  259. Unión Universal Desarrollo Solidario Spain
  260. We Women Lanka Network Sri Lanka
  261. Public Service Union St Vincent and the Grenadines
  262. Gender Studies Centre Sudan
  263. Alliance Sud Switzerland
  264. Association citoyenne pour la défense des usagers du service public (ACIDUS) Switzerland
  265. Association for Proper Internet Governance Switzerland
  266. Bread for All Switzerland
  267. Coalition Suisse pour la Diversité Culturelle Switzerland
  268. Fastenopfer Switzerland
  269. Public Eye Switzerland
  270. VPOD Switzerland, the trade union for public services Switzerland
  271. Governance Links Tanzania Tanzania
  272. Tanzania Trade and Economic Justice Forum (TTEJF) Tanzania
  273. La’o Hamutuk – Timor-Leste Institute for Development Monitoring and Analysis Timor-Leste
  274. Les Amis de la Terre-Togo Togo
  275. Ligue des Consommateurs du Togo (LCT) Togo
  276. National Union of Government and Federated Workers, Trinidad and Tobago Trinidad & Tobago
  277. Public Services Association of Trinidad and Tobago Trinidad & Tobago
  278. Tunisian Forum for Economic and Social Rights / Forum Tunisien Pour les Droits Economiques et Sociaux Tunisia
  279. Citizens Platform for Democracy and Accountability Uganda
  280. Southern and Eastern African Trade Information and Negotiations Institute (SEATINI) Uganda
  281. Global Justice Now! United Kingdom
  282. GMB trade union United Kingdom
  283. National Justice and Peace Network UK (England & Wales) United Kingdom
  284. Trade Justice Movement United Kingdom
  285. UNISON United Kingdom
  286. American Federation of Teachers United States
  287. Global Policy Forum (GPF) United States/ Germany
  288. Global Exchange United States
  289. Local Futures United States
  290. Sisters of Charity Federation United States
  291. Society of Catholic Medical Missionaries United States
  292. Washington Fair Trade Coalition United States
  293. Federación de Funcionarios de Obras Sanitarias del Estado Uruguay
  294. Instituto del Tercer Mundo Uruguay
  295. REDES-Amigos de la Tierra Uruguay Uruguay
  296. Red de Economistas del Uruguay (REDIU) Uruguay
  297. Coalición de Tendencias Clasistas (CTC-VZLA) Venezuela
  298. Equipo de Formacion, Informacion y Publicaciones (EFIP) Venezuela
  299. Zambia Council for Social Development (ZCSD) Zambia
  300. Southern and Eastern African Trade Information and Negotiations Institute (SEATINI-Zimbabwe) Zimbabwe

English (pdf) – Letter from Global Civil Society about the agenda of the WTO towards the 11th Ministerial

Français (pdf) – Lettre de la société civile internationale sur l’agenda en vue de la 11ème conference ministérielle de l’OMC

Español (pdf) – Carta de la Sociedad Civil Mundial acerca de la agenda de la OMC  en camino hacia la undécima Conferencia Ministerial

Greek (pdf) – Letter from Global Civil Society about the agenda of the WTO towards the 11th Ministerial

[i] This letter was originally sent on October 6, 2017 with 279 endorsements.


Publicado originalmente en: http://notforsale.mayfirst.org/en/signon/11th-wto-ministerial-letter-global-civil-society-about-agenda-wto